The Blog is about events in the Crimea and the Ukraine.

Wednesday, September 28, 2005

SHOCK AND CONSTERNATION IN CRIMEA


Four militants of illegal ethnic parliament “the medjlis of the Crimean Tatars” are appointed to the ministerial positions in the new government of the Crimea. This appointment caused shock and consternation among the Crimean population. The “medjlis” is notorious for its involvement in destruction of Orthodox crosses, illegal land takeovers, squatting and violent attacks on Crimeans of Slavic descent. The new prime minister of the fictious Crimean autonomy Anatoly Burdyugov has outdone his predecessor Anatoly Matvienko who avoided any flirtation with such an unlawful political grouping as the “medjlis”. According to Ukrainian laws any public or political organization should be registered with the ministry of justice. The “medjlis” has been stubbornly refusing to undergo registration because it considers itself as the only legislative body to rule the Crimea. The Ukrainian regime is closing its eyes on such an anticonstitutional attitude because nationalists in Kiev are playing off Tatar extremists against the Russian speaking majority on the peninsula. Prime minister Burdyugov is known for his sympathies towards the illegal “medjlis”. He formed his cabinet Wednesday out of politicians from three groups he considers to be in the position of influence: orange nationalists, Party of regions (picking up its strength after the defeat at the presidential elections) and the “medjlis”. Observers are pointing out that the new cabinet is made up of political appointees and contains no much needed professionals. The new ministers will be unable to cope with the economic and especially energy crises in the Crimea. The peninsula is facing further economic slump and deterioration of the living standards.

Sunday, September 25, 2005

NAZI STORK NESTLED IN CRIMEA


A new xenophobic group has been created in the Crimea. The president of the Coordination Council of “Leleka” (the Ukrainian for stork) Petr Smolianinov said that the new organisation will defend Ukrainians from vice: “Our sons are being turned into drunks, drug addicts and our daughters into prostitutes, said Mr. Smolianinov. Parents abandoned by their children live off scavenging. Insane and filthy advertising promotes vodka, beer, tobacco and debauchery. Ukrainians are approaching a situation that existed many years ago. Very soon they will flee to the Sech* in the Dnepr region to gather and raise free people to liberate the Jew-infested Ukraine from hellkites”. Smolianinov thinks that hatred of the Ukraine is being engrained in all spheres of life in the Crimea. “An attempt to open up a second Ukrainian school in Simferopol encountered fierce resistance both from the Jewish-owned party “The Union” and the fifth column of Moscow… The majority of newspapers headed by the “Krymskaya Nepravda” (The Crimean No Truth) are a cesspool of hate towards Ukrainians”, said Mr. Petr Smolianinov. The Crimean Committee has expressed concern over the statements by the head of the “Leleka” in a communiqué sent to major media organizations.

*Zaporozhskaya Sech - The land situated near the Dnepr rapids. In the 15th century, it served as a safe heaven for peasants who fled their land owners. Ukrainian nationalists consider Zaporozhskaya Sech as a birthplace of the Ukrainian statehood.

Friday, September 23, 2005

CUSHY JOB FOR YUSHCHENKO’S CHILD GODFATHER



A banker was voted in as a new prime minister of the Crimea. Friday, ninety deputies of the Crimean legislature cast their votes for president of the National Bank of the Ukraine in the Crimea Anatoly Burdyugov, appointed by Ukrainian president Victor Yushchenko. Two days before, speaker of the regional legislature Boris Deutsch had traveled to Kiev to submit to Victor Yushchenko three candidates for the position of the prime minister. Yushchenko had given preference to Godfather of his child Mr. Burdyugov who also heads the local branch of the presidential party. Back to Crimea, Mr. Deutsch held a vote without any debates. He only said that the president wants to see Mr. Burdyugov at the helm of the ruling team in the Crimea. The deputies got the message and complied with the presidential wish. Former prime minister Sergey Kunitsyn denounced the procedure as unconstitutional. He pointed out that the speaker had to hold a vote on every candidacy and only then members of the legislature could make their final decision. Mr. Kunitsyn called the new prime minister “a political kamikaze” saying he is facing a suicidal mission to clean up the mess left by his predecessor Anatoly Matvienko.
Another vacant high position in the Crimea was filled by Yushchenko this week. Director of the state company “Titan” Vladimir Kulish was appointed representative of the president in the peninsula. Mr. Kulish is said to be in bad relations with the new prime minister. Many observers see this appointment as an attempt to keep Crimean officials in check. Mutual dislike could prop two big shots to report on each other to their masters in Kiev. “Divide and rule” seems to be the only way Kiev can count on to keep the defiant Crimea under its rule.

Wednesday, September 21, 2005

BRIT NABBED AT CROSSING POINT


Online edition Visnyk reports that an unamed British investor was detained at the border between the Ukraine and Slovakia. The in investor heads a clothing factory in Transcarpatian Ukrainian city of Uzhgorod. The Customs officers found in the luggage of the UK citizen a medal issued in Czechoslovakia in 1935 to commemorate the 85-th anniversary of president Tomas Masarik. The Englishman explained that the medal had been given to him as a gift by another clothing factory director. The Customs officers confiscated the medal and sent it to the local Museum of Arts for evaluation by experts. The authorities drew up an official report on the incident. Visnyk does not mention what punishment the investor could face.

Tuesday, September 20, 2005

CRIMEAN ORANGE RULER GONE!


PM of Ukraine’s Crimean Autonomy Hands in Resignation
20.09.2005
The Moscow News


The chairman of the cabinet of the Ukrainian autonomous republic of Crimea, Anatoly Matvienko, handed in his resignation on Tuesday.

In his statement quoted by Interfax news agency, Matvienko said the reason for his resignation was that his party Sobor had not voted for President Viktor Yushchenko’s candidate for Ukrainian PM, Yuri Yekhanurov. Yekhanurov, a middle-of-the-road technocrat, won 223 votes in parliament on Tuesday, three short of the required majority in the 450-seat assembly.

Sobor belongs to the bloc led by the ousted prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko.

On Monday Matvienko said a “corruption coup” was planned in Crimea in order to change the main principles of rule in the autonomy. He addressed Yushchenko asking him to react to the situation in the Crimea urgently and promised to name those involved in the coup plot.

The Crimea became part of Ukraine as a Soviet republic in 1954. There is still a Russian majority on the Black Sea peninsula. The region is also home to a Russian Black Sea Fleet base. According to the Russian-Ukrainian agreement on the base in Sevastopol, Russian naval forces cannot be withdrawn before 2017. The Russian Defence Ministry plans to prolong the terms of the fleet’s stay in Sevastopol.

At least eight Russian naval subdivisions are currently based in the Crimea.

Monday, September 19, 2005

MATVIENKO'S EXIT STRATEGY


THE TAVRICHESKY KURIER (www.freecrimea.org)

Prime minister of the Crimea stunned Monday journalists and many Crimea watchers by announcing that the peninsula is under the threat of «a "corruptional” coup d’état ». Speaking at a press conference in Simferopol, the Crimean capital, Mr. Matvienko stated that unnamed successors of the criminal gangs that had operated in the 90s, were bracing for a takeover. He called on Kiev to take tough measures to reverse the sliding of the Crimea to the hands of crime bosses. Matvienko only read his statement and refused to take questions from about 100 journalists. US run Radio Liberty put the story on the Matvienko’s shocking statement on the top of its newscast in the Internet. Matvienko said that the Crimean Parliament should set up a special commission to “defend the constitutional order in the Ukriane”. The Prime Minister also implied that he does not trust the security establishment in the Crimea adding that there activities should be investigated by the Ukrainian Security and Defence Council. Many observers are convinced that the coup d’état statement is nothing but exit strategy concocted by Matvienko to justify his imminent resignation. Wednesday, Matvienko is scheduled to submit to the Crimean Parliament a report on his performances at the head of the cabinet. Many MPs are so angry at Matvienko that a no-confidence vote seems to be inevitable. Analysts suggest that 80% of MPs would vote to send Matvienko packing.

Friday, September 16, 2005

BEREZOVSKY STANDS BY HIS REVELATIONS





THE TAVRICHESKY KURIER
(www.freecrimea.org)



In an interview with Radio Liberty (US run station based in Prague) President of the Ukraine Victor Yushchenko denied that he had any contacts with exiled Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky. Mr. Yushchenko was reacting to the statement by former President of the Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk who said that the Yushchenko election campaign had been funded by Boris Berezovsky. Mr. Kravchuk thinks that Yuschchenko should be impeached. However, Mr. Berezovsky said to Reuters Friday that he was surprised by Yuschenko’s and his aides’ statements. Berezovsky pointed out that he had never met Yushchenko but he had spoken to him by phone many times. Berezovsky added that acting Ukrainian Deputy Prime Minister Roman Bezsmertny and acting Emergencies Minister David Zhvania had met him repeatedly in his London office, asking for financial support and other assistance. The exiled oligarch is reported to have spent $15 million dollars to support the orange coup d’état in the Ukraine. Sources say that Berezovsky is disappointed by Yushchenko because he rejected his request to take up residence in the Ukraine. Speaking at an ICTV talk show in Kiev via satellite, Berezovsky quoted David Zhvania as saying that President Yushchenko is not acting on his own and is being manipulated by his inner circle. “This is exactctly what Mr. Zhvania said”, - stressed Boris Berezovsky. Many observers believe that his interference in the political crisis in the Ukraine will have serious consequences for the country and may lead to a turmoil.

Updated by Russian Crimea.



Thursday, September 15, 2005

KRAVCHUK: YUSHCHENKO SHOULD BE IMPEACHED




Russian agency RIA NOVOSTI reported Wednesday:
“Russian exiled oligarch Boris Berezovsky confirmed Wednesday that companies under his control had financed Viktor Yushchenko's presidential election campaign in Ukraine.

"Former Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk called me yesterday and told me that a Ukrainian Web site had posted copies of documents related to the transfer of funds from my companies to companies that directly financed Yushchenko's election campaign," Berezovsky said. "I called my accountants and found out that those documents indeed belonged to my companies, so I confirmed that fact in a later conversation with Kravchuk."

On Wednesday, Kravchuk told a news conference in Kiev that Berezovsky had financed Yushchenko's election campaign.

Berezovsky said he had never tried to conceal his support of Yushchenko or his people, especially in ideological terms.

Berezovsky also said he did not want to widen the split between Yushchenko and former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko by commenting on the situation.

"I do not want to worsen the conflict between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko," he said. "I believe these documents have been planted by Russian security-related services to make the conflict even worse."

"If you analyze who is happy about the conflict and who is deeply concerned about it, you will find out who really benefits from this situation," he said, adding that "enemies of the Orange Revolution were rejoicing over the split and its real supporters were gathering around Tymoshenko."

According to on-line edition of the Crimean Committee THE TAVRICHESKY KURIER(www.freecrimea.org), former president of the Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk said that Victor Yushchenko should be impeached. Financing of election campaigns from foreign sources is illegal in the Ukraine. Mr. Kravchuk who heads the Social Democratic caucus in Ukrainian Parliament demands that the orange regime should reveal what promises had been given to Berezovsky in return for his financial support.

SCANDALS RAISE DOUBT ON THE NEW UKRAINE



By Steven Lee Myers The New York Times

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 2005


KIEV: In the last weeks of Leonid Kuchma's scandal-tarred presidency, an American company reached an agreement with his government to take control of a state-owned chemical factory in eastern Ukraine under terms that have been criticized as secretive and suspiciously generous.

On Sept. 2, dozens of men dressed in camouflage and body armor stormed and seized the headquarters of the factory, the Severodonetsk Azot Association. They were accompanied by officials of a new government, carrying an order signed by a minister under Kuchma's successor, Viktor Yushchenko.
The order was based on a court case filed by a fictitious company, on behalf of a politician who stood to gain from the seizure, according to a senior government official.

"It was a very serious abuse of the system," said the chairwoman of the country's State Property Fund, Valentyna Semeniuk.

The accumulated weight of scandal and internal rifts has destroyed the political coalition that Yushchenko formed to challenge Kuchma's government and create a newly democratic, corruption-free government. It has also raised questions about the true success of what came to be known as the Orange Revolution, as members of Yushchenko's team volley accusations of abuse of power, bribery and other forms of corruption.

"Corruption exists in different countries, but in civilized countries there is prompt action against it," said Oleksandr Zinchenko, Yushchenko's chief of staff, who resigned, coincidentally, on the same day that the company was seized. Three days later he went public with accusations of corruption among Yushchenko's senior aides.

Zinchenko's resignation provoked a political firestorm here that shows little sign of subsiding.

Last week Yushchenko dismissed his prime minister and the rest of her government, as well as the head of the customs service. He also suspended or accepted the resignation of several members of his staff who are at the center of Zinchenko's accusations.

Even so he has defended his aides, much as Kuchma called accusations against his own aides politically motivated. "There is an anecdote," Yushchenko said Monday. "It does not really matter whether a man has a daughter or does not have a daughter. It is enough to say in public that his daughter does not behave herself well."

That has not stopped him, however, from accusing the departed prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, of corruption herself. After first striking a conciliatory note after her dismissal, Yushchenko accused her of siphoning $1.6 billion from the budget "in favor of private undertakings," coercing judges and improperly intervening in a dispute over a steel factory, Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant.

Yushchenko appointed a new prime minister, Yury Yekhanurov, and has since rallied political parties, including some that he opposed only a year ago, to form a sort of unity cabinet. He also created a commission to investigate corruption in his inner circle, but gave it only 10 days - until next week - to say whether the charges warrant further investigation.

Reports of bribery and corruption have swirled around Yushchenko's circle from the time of his inauguration in January.

"Corruption is in the air," Tymoshenko, who was one of the most impassioned and popular leaders of last year's protests, said in an interview, citing complaints of businessmen forced to pay bribes to members of Yushchenko's administration. "This is the air we had to breathe."

A senior Western diplomat said he gave credence to reports that Yushchenko's aides had solicited payments for access to the president, for appointments to government positions, to influence court cases and to win control over state enterprises.

"I think he is vulnerable, because of his loyalty, to the bad behavior of those around him," the diplomat said of Yushchenko, speaking on condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocol.

KIEV: In the last weeks of Leonid Kuchma's scandal-tarred presidency, an American company reached an agreement with his government to take control of a state-owned chemical factory in eastern Ukraine under terms that have been criticized as secretive and suspiciously generous.

On Sept. 2, dozens of men dressed in camouflage and body armor stormed and seized the headquarters of the factory, the Severodonetsk Azot Association. They were accompanied by officials of a new government, carrying an order signed by a minister under Kuchma's successor, Viktor Yushchenko.

The order was based on a court case filed by a fictitious company, on behalf of a politician who stood to gain from the seizure, according to a senior government official.

"It was a very serious abuse of the system," said the chairwoman of the country's State Property Fund, Valentyna Semeniuk.

The accumulated weight of scandal and internal rifts has destroyed the political coalition that Yushchenko formed to challenge Kuchma's government and create a newly democratic, corruption-free government. It has also raised questions about the true success of what came to be known as the Orange Revolution, as members of Yushchenko's team volley accusations of abuse of power, bribery and other forms of corruption.

"Corruption exists in different countries, but in civilized countries there is prompt action against it," said Oleksandr Zinchenko, Yushchenko's chief of staff, who resigned, coincidentally, on the same day that the company was seized. Three days later he went public with accusations of corruption among Yushchenko's senior aides.

Zinchenko's resignation provoked a political firestorm here that shows little sign of subsiding.

Last week Yushchenko dismissed his prime minister and the rest of her government, as well as the head of the customs service. He also suspended or accepted the resignation of several members of his staff who are at the center of Zinchenko's accusations.

Even so he has defended his aides, much as Kuchma called accusations against his own aides politically motivated. "There is an anecdote," Yushchenko said Monday. "It does not really matter whether a man has a daughter or does not have a daughter. It is enough to say in public that his daughter does not behave herself well."

That has not stopped him, however, from accusing the departed prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, of corruption herself. After first striking a conciliatory note after her dismissal, Yushchenko accused her of siphoning $1.6 billion from the budget "in favor of private undertakings," coercing judges and improperly intervening in a dispute over a steel factory, Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant.

Yushchenko appointed a new prime minister, Yury Yekhanurov, and has since rallied political parties, including some that he opposed only a year ago, to form a sort of unity cabinet. He also created a commission to investigate corruption in his inner circle, but gave it only 10 days - until next week - to say whether the charges warrant further investigation.

Reports of bribery and corruption have swirled around Yushchenko's circle from the time of his inauguration in January.

"Corruption is in the air," Tymoshenko, who was one of the most impassioned and popular leaders of last year's protests, said in an interview, citing complaints of businessmen forced to pay bribes to members of Yushchenko's administration. "This is the air we had to breathe."

A senior Western diplomat said he gave credence to reports that Yushchenko's aides had solicited payments for access to the president, for appointments to government positions, to influence court cases and to win control over state enterprises.

"I think he is vulnerable, because of his loyalty, to the bad behavior of those around him," the diplomat said of Yushchenko, speaking on condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocol.

KIEV: In the last weeks of Leonid Kuchma's scandal-tarred presidency, an American company reached an agreement with his government to take control of a state-owned chemical factory in eastern Ukraine under terms that have been criticized as secretive and suspiciously generous.

On Sept. 2, dozens of men dressed in camouflage and body armor stormed and seized the headquarters of the factory, the Severodonetsk Azot Association. They were accompanied by officials of a new government, carrying an order signed by a minister under Kuchma's successor, Viktor Yushchenko.

The order was based on a court case filed by a fictitious company, on behalf of a politician who stood to gain from the seizure, according to a senior government official.

"It was a very serious abuse of the system," said the chairwoman of the country's State Property Fund, Valentyna Semeniuk.

The accumulated weight of scandal and internal rifts has destroyed the political coalition that Yushchenko formed to challenge Kuchma's government and create a newly democratic, corruption-free government. It has also raised questions about the true success of what came to be known as the Orange Revolution, as members of Yushchenko's team volley accusations of abuse of power, bribery and other forms of corruption.

"Corruption exists in different countries, but in civilized countries there is prompt action against it," said Oleksandr Zinchenko, Yushchenko's chief of staff, who resigned, coincidentally, on the same day that the company was seized. Three days later he went public with accusations of corruption among Yushchenko's senior aides.

Zinchenko's resignation provoked a political firestorm here that shows little sign of subsiding.

Last week Yushchenko dismissed his prime minister and the rest of her government, as well as the head of the customs service. He also suspended or accepted the resignation of several members of his staff who are at the center of Zinchenko's accusations.

Even so he has defended his aides, much as Kuchma called accusations against his own aides politically motivated. "There is an anecdote," Yushchenko said Monday. "It does not really matter whether a man has a daughter or does not have a daughter. It is enough to say in public that his daughter does not behave herself well."

That has not stopped him, however, from accusing the departed prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, of corruption herself. After first striking a conciliatory note after her dismissal, Yushchenko accused her of siphoning $1.6 billion from the budget "in favor of private undertakings," coercing judges and improperly intervening in a dispute over a steel factory, Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant.

Yushchenko appointed a new prime minister, Yury Yekhanurov, and has since rallied political parties, including some that he opposed only a year ago, to form a sort of unity cabinet. He also created a commission to investigate corruption in his inner circle, but gave it only 10 days - until next week - to say whether the charges warrant further investigation.

Reports of bribery and corruption have swirled around Yushchenko's circle from the time of his inauguration in January.

"Corruption is in the air," Tymoshenko, who was one of the most impassioned and popular leaders of last year's protests, said in an interview, citing complaints of businessmen forced to pay bribes to members of Yushchenko's administration. "This is the air we had to breathe."

A senior Western diplomat said he gave credence to reports that Yushchenko's aides had solicited payments for access to the president, for appointments to government positions, to influence court cases and to win control over state enterprises.

"I think he is vulnerable, because of his loyalty, to the bad behavior of those around him," the diplomat said of Yushchenko, speaking on condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocol.

KIEV: In the last weeks of Leonid Kuchma's scandal-tarred presidency, an American company reached an agreement with his government to take control of a state-owned chemical factory in eastern Ukraine under terms that have been criticized as secretive and suspiciously generous.

On Sept. 2, dozens of men dressed in camouflage and body armor stormed and seized the headquarters of the factory, the Severodonetsk Azot Association. They were accompanied by officials of a new government, carrying an order signed by a minister under Kuchma's successor, Viktor Yushchenko.

The order was based on a court case filed by a fictitious company, on behalf of a politician who stood to gain from the seizure, according to a senior government official.

"It was a very serious abuse of the system," said the chairwoman of the country's State Property Fund, Valentyna Semeniuk.

The accumulated weight of scandal and internal rifts has destroyed the political coalition that Yushchenko formed to challenge Kuchma's government and create a newly democratic, corruption-free government. It has also raised questions about the true success of what came to be known as the Orange Revolution, as members of Yushchenko's team volley accusations of abuse of power, bribery and other forms of corruption.

"Corruption exists in different countries, but in civilized countries there is prompt action against it," said Oleksandr Zinchenko, Yushchenko's chief of staff, who resigned, coincidentally, on the same day that the company was seized. Three days later he went public with accusations of corruption among Yushchenko's senior aides.

Zinchenko's resignation provoked a political firestorm here that shows little sign of subsiding.

Last week Yushchenko dismissed his prime minister and the rest of her government, as well as the head of the customs service. He also suspended or accepted the resignation of several members of his staff who are at the center of Zinchenko's accusations.

Even so he has defended his aides, much as Kuchma called accusations against his own aides politically motivated. "There is an anecdote," Yushchenko said Monday. "It does not really matter whether a man has a daughter or does not have a daughter. It is enough to say in public that his daughter does not behave herself well."

That has not stopped him, however, from accusing the departed prime minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, of corruption herself. After first striking a conciliatory note after her dismissal, Yushchenko accused her of siphoning $1.6 billion from the budget "in favor of private undertakings," coercing judges and improperly intervening in a dispute over a steel factory, Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant.

Yushchenko appointed a new prime minister, Yury Yekhanurov, and has since rallied political parties, including some that he opposed only a year ago, to form a sort of unity cabinet. He also created a commission to investigate corruption in his inner circle, but gave it only 10 days - until next week - to say whether the charges warrant further investigation.

Reports of bribery and corruption have swirled around Yushchenko's circle from the time of his inauguration in January.

"Corruption is in the air," Tymoshenko, who was one of the most impassioned and popular leaders of last year's protests, said in an interview, citing complaints of businessmen forced to pay bribes to members of Yushchenko's administration. "This is the air we had to breathe."

A senior Western diplomat said he gave credence to reports that Yushchenko's aides had solicited payments for access to the president, for appointments to government positions, to influence court cases and to win control over state enterprises.

"I think he is vulnerable, because of his loyalty, to the bad behavior of those around him," the diplomat said of Yushchenko, speaking on condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocol.

Thursday, September 08, 2005

NEW PRIME MINISTER OF UKRAINE


By Olena Horodetska
KIEV, Sept 8, 2005 (Reuters) - Yury Yekhanurov, named on Thursday as Ukraine's acting prime minister, is an old ally of President Viktor Yushchenko and has a reputation as a low-key technocrat that contrasts with his predecessor's flamboyant style. Yushchenko asked Yekhanurov, a 57-year-old regional governor, to form a new cabinet after he sacked Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and her ministers, saying they had lost their "team spirit" and following allegations of corruption. Some observers said Yekhanurov was only a stop-gap figure. But his long career as a government manager should help him bring consistency to Ukraine's economic policy, something lacking under Tymoshenko, analysts said. His ability to seek compromise could also prove helpful in persuading parliament -- where Yushchenko does not have a stable majority -- to approve the cabinet he will assemble. "My task is for the government members to continue their work and to ensure stability," Yekhanurov was quoted as saying by Ukrainska Pravda Website www.pravda.com.ua in his first public comments since his surprise appointment. "It means I should form the government and work efficiently." The new government under Yekhanurov will seek to support Ukraine's spluttering economic growth and slow inflation in time for a parliamentary election in March 2006.
DISPUTES
In the last several months Yekhanurov has publicly disagreed on several issues with Tymoshenko, including over re-privatisation and currency policy, saying more clarity and consistency was required. He particularly criticised her for handling the dispute over the privatisation of a ferro-alloy plant in Nikopol where workers rallied against plans to overturn its sale.
"I cannot accept blackmail. Ultimatums are not the right way to work. I try to take into consideration different views," he said in the interview. Frequent and noisy public rows between officials on policy issues have become a characteristic feature of the government under Tymoshenko, whose fiery speeches brought thousands out on to the streets in last December's pro-Western "Orange Revolution" and helped Yushchenko to win to power.
In contrast, Yekhanurov is seen as a safe pair of hands. He has said he is 'the president's man' and has faithfully implemented Yushchenko's plans since being appointed governor of the industrial Dnipropetrovsk region earlier this year. "I represent the president. There is a presidential programme. I was one of those who participated in its preparation and now I have a chance to implement it," Yekhanurov said in a recent interview to weekly Stolichnie Novosti. Yekhanurov, born in Russia's freezing Yakutia region, spent his early career as an engineer working on construction projects. Later, he received an economics degree and worked his way up through the ranks of government. After Ukraine's independence, he was economy minister and head of the privatisation agency. He was deputy to Yushchenko during his term as the prime minister in 2000 and 2001.

Wednesday, September 07, 2005

KRAVCHUK: NO CONFIDENCE IN YUSHCHENKO


Former president of the Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk says the situation in the country is such an imbroglio that even an expert cannot say who is ruling the nation. Mr. Kravchuk made these comments in his statement in Parliament. “President Yushchenko’s team reminds me of a swarm of bees without a queen: they are humming loudly and malignly, flying around but produce no honey”, said Mr. Kravchuk hinting at Yushchenko’s hobby of bee-keeping. Mr. Kravchuk thinks that Yushchenko is an able and good person but he does not feel any responsibility for the destiny of the nation. According to Leonid Kravchuk, Victor Yushchenko is not a leader any more. He turned into a front to cover up his own people. “Yushchenko is not ruling he is being ruled”, - said Leonid Kravchuk. His opposition United Social Democratic Party refused to support government initiatives and it does not have confidence in Yushchenko any more.

YUSHCHENKO'S POPULARITY SLIDES IN UKRAINE



By MARA D. BELLABY

The Associated Press

Wednesday, September 7, 2005; 2:16 PM

KIEV, Ukraine -- Maria Onishchuk rushed to Kiev's Independence Square last fall to stand shoulder to shoulder with tens of thousands, waving orange flags and chanting "YU-SHCHEN-KO!" Nine months later, she's back. But now, the 60-year-old grandmother is standing under the red flag of Ukraine's Socialist Party, demonstrating against the man she helped usher into the presidency.Disappointment is catching up with President Viktor Yushchenko, whose 7-month-old government is being battered by corruption allegations, political infighting and economic problems."We thought life would get better ... but it turns out the Orange Revolution was just a fairy tale," Onishchuk said at a protest this week. Prices are rising, and the economy is slowing. Yushchenko's chief of staff quit, warning that a corrupt circle of advisers surrounds the president. "Ukrainians gave Yushchenko a giant credit of faith, but now they want results," said Andriy Bichenko, an analyst at Ukraine's Razumkov think tank. The center's latest poll, conducted a month ago, found that for the first time since the Orange Revolution, the percentage of Ukrainians who think the country is headed in the wrong direction exceeds those who think it is in good shape. Forty-three percent said Ukraine is on the wrong path, a jump from 23 percent in April. About 32 percent felt the country is doing well, down sharply from 54 percent last spring. The poll of 2,011 people had an error margin of about two percentage points. The poll was conducted before the latest corruption allegations against Yushchenko's administration, which was swept to power largely on his promise to root out the corruption that thrived under his predecessor, Leonid Kuchma. Yushchenko also promised to create a million jobs a year, raise living standards and put Ukraine's 48 million people on equal footing with their powerful neighbor, Russia.

EVEN SUPPORTERS SAY HE OVERREACHED.

"No government in the world could deliver on all the expectations. Some were really irrational," said Inna Pidluska, a political analyst at the Europe Foundation. "People wanted a different life, wanted to be happy, wanted a dramatic change from what they were used to ... how could anyone do that?"

Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, responsible for the government's day-to-day business, decided on a populist course of raising monthly pensions, paying off salary arrears and boosting other spending. But as the government bumps up its spending, the economy is slowing. The official projection now says the economy will grow by about 6 percent this year, half the gain of 2004. Analysts think Yushchenko is likely to opt for more short-term spending programs to appease voters because he needs to do well in March parliamentary elections. Constitutional changes will hand many of his powers to lawmakers. But another populist budget could derail economic reforms being demanded by foreign investors. Parliamentary Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn warned that Ukraine can't afford another year of such a "social budget." Ukrainians are gloomy over the rising cost of food, utilities and fuel. The government's decision to strengthen the currency, the hryvna, against the dollar ate away at the buying power of its salary and pension increases. "Even salo is becoming unaffordable," complained Onishchuk, referring to the seasoned lard that Ukrainians consider a staple. The price for a pound has jumped from 72 cents to $2.55, she said. Yushchenko hasn't commented on the corruption allegations, or about his fall in popularity, but his supporters predict he will weather the unhappiness. "After elections, people compare the president with their ideal and it always results in disappointment," said Boris Bespaliy, a lawmaker in the president's Our Ukraine party. "During elections, people compare the person with his competitors and so they are more objective." Another colleague, Mykola Pozhivanov, said Ukrainians weren't giving Yushchenko enough time. Change for the better is "a long process," he said. For all the disappointment, Ukrainians still like Yushchenko significantly more than Kuchma, whose approval rating was around 10 percent. Yushchenko's ratings vary, but most polls say more than 50 percent of Ukrainians approve of at least some of his moves _ close to the 52 percent who voted him into office. "I'm not a romantic, I understand it takes time," said Oleh Skripka, lead singer of the popular band Vopli Vidoplyasova, which performed on Independence Square during the Orange Revolution protests. This year, Skripka turned down a request for a repeat performance for the parliamentary vote.

"I do want to help the new government ... but (it) needs to get back in touch with the people who really took it to heart, who suffered for its success," Skripka said.

UKRAINE'S ORANGE REVOLUTION LOSES ITS LUSTRE


THE DAILY TELEGRAPH

September 7, 2005

By Adrian Blomfield in Moscow

President Viktor Yushchenko of Ukraine was yesterday fighting to defend the credibility of the country's pro-western Orange Revolution in his worst crisis since sweeping to power last year.

Simmering disagreements in his shaky coalition have exploded since his powerful chief of staff quit, accusing senior officials of corruption. Even his allies have seized on the political disarray, claiming that little has changed since last winter's dramatic battle for control of the streets of Kiev.

Rumours about the fate of his government swirled through the capital, with one television station reporting the impending resignation of the charismatic prime minister, Yulia Timoshenko.

Another news agency said that the entire cabinet could be forced to step down only months after it was formed.

A spokesman for the president, already weakened by the resignation of his leading aide and the allegations of corruption, dismissed the reports as "speculation".

Mr Yushchenko was locked last night in emergency talks with Mrs Timoshenko and other officials on the government's inner working. "There is a need to stop all quarrels," his spokesman said.

The power struggle was in marked contrast to the idealism born of last winter's revolution, when Mr Yushchenko's supporters, draped in orange, refused to accept the results of elections widely viewed as fraudulent.

Earlier in the year Mr Yushchenko had barely survived an apparent poison attempt and his face was still scarred by the failed assassination. Allegations of government cronyism and reports of the freewheeling lifestyle of the president's son have since hurt Mr Yushchenko's reputation as a reformer.

Now Mr Oleksandr Zinchenko, a principal architect of last year's peaceful protests, has resigned in a blaze of publicity, blaming his decision on the prevailing malaise.

"Unless these processes are stopped in a tough and timely manner, a counter-revolution may happen in this country," Mr Zinchenko said.

There was more trouble for the president yesterday as another key ally, the parliamentary speaker, Volodymyr Lytvyn, also rounded on the government.

"The situation in Ukraine is much worse, even in comparison with the last, difficult year," he said as parliament returned from its summer recess.

"It seemed we were doing everything in a new way, but most things are just like they were during [former President Leonid] Kuchma's regime," Mr Lytvyn said.

Infighting in a coalition dominated by powerful personalities has slowed market reforms that would have encouraged foreign investment and lifted Ukraine's flagging economy.

President Vladimir Putin, of Russia, has accused Mr Yushchenko's government of being riddled with corruption. Mr Putin likened former Soviet states that sought to break free from Moscow's sphere of influence to "banana republics where he who shouts loudest wins".

But analysts say that, despite the current crisis, substantial progress has been made in Ukraine. Social benefits, especially to miners, have increased and small businesses are beginning to flourish.

Friday, September 02, 2005

BRAINWASHING OF KIDS IN CRIMEA


Crimean children are being targeted by the Ukrainian nationalistic propaganda. This academic year which started on September, 1 the Crimean school students will be brainwashed by new history books. They depict Russians as occupiers who mistreated, killed and exterminated Ukrainians by an artificially created famine. This hatred of Russia is being force-fed a region where the majority of the population claim Russian ancestry. Moreover, on the eve of the back-to-school day, a local children library in Sevastopol opened an exhibition of Ukrainian nationalistic literature. In Soviet times, the Gaidar Library had been a centre for Communist propaganda among school students. Under the new regime it changed its political orientation. The Tavrichesky Kurier (on-line edition of the Crimean Committee, http://www.freecrimea.org/) reports that the exhibition hall at the Gaidar Library is now full of portraits of Yushchenko and Timoshenko (president and prime minister of the Ukraine). Some books displayed at the exhibition were published by Ukrainian Catholic organisations. In Evpatoria (a resort city on the Western coast of the Crimea) the only well equipped and sufficiently funded school is the Ukrainian one, though the overwhelming majority of the evpatorian residents speak Russian. Sources report that in summer students from this school are regularly sent to the Western nationalistic regions of the Ukraine to stay with NGOs for additional brain-washing.

Thursday, September 01, 2005

END OF UKRAINIAN INDEPENDENCE


MOSCOW, September 1 (Itar-Tass) -- Gazprom plans to export gas to Ukraine at prices matching the European standards, sources in the gas giant told Tass in the wake of media reports the Russian gas monopolist would raise the price of gas for Ukraine to 180 dollars per one thousand cubic meters. “Prices in the market keep changing. When we brought up this theme first time several months ago, the prices were at a level of 160 dollars per 1,000 cubic meters. Now the prices are close to 180 dollars per 1,000 cubic meters, that’s true, however, the end price may be higher or lower,” the source said.
Negotiations between Gazprom and Neftegaz Ukrainy are scheduled to end by September 10. “We are discussing this problem with Ukrainian colleagues. We are unprepared to make any comments now,” the source in Gazprom said. For the past five years Russia exported gas to Ukraine for 50 dollars per 1,000 cubic meters.