The Blog is about events in the Crimea and the Ukraine.

Sunday, August 13, 2006

ETHNIC CLASHES IN CRIMEA



The Crimea has never been so close to war as this past weekend when Crimean Tatars clashed with Slavic population in the city of Bakhchisaray. The two year conflict over the Central market erupted into a fierce battle between Tatar radicals and Russian speaking merchants. Two years ago, the illegal Tatar parliament the “Medjlis” decided that the Central market in Bakhchisaray, former capital of the medieval Crimean Khanate, is overlapping an old cemetery. The Medjlis demanded that the market be moved to another location because cemeteries are sacred to Tatars. The Tatar activists produced no proof to substantiate their claims. It caused suspicion that the Medjlis wanted to get the land the market is located on for its own commercial purposes. The Crimea is full of so called “glades of protests”, plots of land seized by Tatars in the most scenic areas. They stake out a claim to many plots throughout the peninsula saying that all the Crimea is their ancestral territory and implying that all other nationalities should leave.
Merchants in Bakhchisaray refuse to move to another location. For many of them their business in the Central market is the only source of income. Saturday, the Russian Community of the Crimea staged a rally near the market demanding that the Medjlis militants lift the blockade and let the merchants to resume their usual trade activity. The militants responded by stones, abuse and attacks. Police say the clashes that flared up involved 300 participants from each side. The authorities took the side of the Tatars as they usually did in the past following their “divide and rule” policies in the Crimea. Ukrainian regime apparently thinks that by pitting Tatars against the Slavic majority they will manage to keep the Crimea under their control. However, such policy does not seem to be working now. As the leader of the Crimean youth organization “The Proryv” points out, the war in the peninsula seems to be imminent. The situation is degenerating. “For three years we have been saying that their will be a war in the Crimea, Mr. Alexei Dobychin said. The situation is out of control”. Alexey Dobychin blames the inept Ukrainian regime and its Russophobia for failing to foresee that the war was looming.
The situation in Bakhchisaray is remaining very tense.

Sunday, August 06, 2006

STING OPERATION PLANNED IN CRIMEA



The Tavrichesky Kurier (on-line edition of the Crimean Committee www.freecrimea.org) has learned that the Ukrainian secret police (SBU) is planning a sting operation against pro-Russian militants in the Crimea. The SBU wants to set up a fake radical Russian group to lure all anti-Ukrainian activists and arrest them on charges of separatism. Such charges can bring jail sentences up to 10 years. The group, named “Belaya Svitka”, would be posing as an organisation fighting for seceding from the Ukraine and rejoining Russia. The Belaya Svitka would act under supervision of the SBU. Sources say that a Crimean businessman with a Russian name is involved in the planned operation. The edition says it knows his name but would not identify him because the information is not confirmed. Sources also report that the Belaya Svitka has ties with the Bloc of Yulia Timoshenko.

ORANGE REVOLUTION COMES FULL CIRCLE



Orange revolution comes full circle as pro-Russian PM is crowned
THE INDEPENDENT
By Andrew Osborn in Moscow
Published: 05 August 2006
Less than two years after it made headlines across the world the spirit of Ukraine's orange revolution was extinguished yesterday when the pro-Russian politician widely perceived to have been its biggest loser was crowned the country's Prime Minister.

It was a dramatic comeback for 56-year-old Viktor Yanukovych but a bitter pill to swallow for President Viktor Yushchenko who swept to power on the back of popular orange demonstrations in 2004.

The two foes must now try to share power in what is likely to be a difficult cohabitation, something that would have been unimaginable during the euphoria of the revolution.

Back then, Mr Yushchenko was feted as the hero of the hour and was hailed as a progressive pro-Western champion of justice while Mr Yanukovych looked like a broken man who had been overtaken by the march of democracy and the political fashion of the moment: the velvet revolutions.

Mr Yanukovych's campaigners were exposed as cheats who had tried to rig an election in his favour and he was denounced as the Russian President Vladimir Putin's puppet.

But if a week is a long time in politics, 19 months appear to be an age.

Yesterday Mr Yanukovych was smiling as a pliant parliament sealed his political renaissance in a 271-9 vote. "I am itching to get down to work," he said before the key vote. "I've been ready [to serve as Prime Minister] for a long time."

The two men have very different views on issues such as European Union and Nato membership, the status of the Russian language, and relations with Moscow. However Mr Yushchenko persuaded Mr Yanukovych to sign up to a " universal declaration" of principles before the vote which he believes will guarantee the pro-Western course that he favours.

Mr Yanukovych's appointment will be a body blow for Julia Tymoshenko who stood shoulder to shoulder with Mr Yushchenko during the orange revolution only to fall out with him later.

She had coveted the Prime Minister's job and spent months negotiating with Mr Yushchenko to clinch it before talks collapsed in acrimony last month, opening the door for Mr Yanukovych.

Her supporters accuse Mr Yushchenko of betraying the revolution's ideals and of striking a pact with the devil.

She had urged Mr Yushchenko to disband the parliament and call fresh elections but the Ukrainian President is believed to have thought that would be too disruptive.

Yesterday most of the MPs in her Fatherland party boycotted the parliamentary vote and prepared to move into opposition.

Mr Yanukovych and his allies were busy thrashing out the cabinet line-up.

His own appointees will dominate but, under the Ukrainian constitution, Mr Yushchenko will take control of key ministries such as foreign affairs and defence. Though Mr Yanukovych will formally be the country's Prime Minister many believe the real power behind his throne will be the metals and energy oligarch Rinat Akhmetov, Ukraine's richest man.

He has bankrolled Mr Yanukovych's political activities for years. The formation of a new government draws a line under a crisis that has left the country without meaningful direction since 26 March when the parliamentary elections took place.

Ukraine has traditionally been split along an east-west fault line and that was reflected in the March ballot where no single party secured enough votes to enable it to govern alone.

The largely Russian-speaking industrial east voted for Mr Yanukovych while the largely Ukrainian-speaking west split its vote between Mr Yushchenko and his onetime revolutionary ally, Ms Tymoshenko. Mr Yanukovych's Party of the Regions won more votes than any other while Ms Tymoshenko's Fatherland party came second. Mr Yushchenko's Our Ukraine Party was beaten into a humiliating third place.

Less than two years after it made headlines across the world the spirit of Ukraine's orange revolution was extinguished yesterday when the pro-Russian politician widely perceived to have been its biggest loser was crowned the country's Prime Minister.

It was a dramatic comeback for 56-year-old Viktor Yanukovych but a bitter pill to swallow for President Viktor Yushchenko who swept to power on the back of popular orange demonstrations in 2004.

The two foes must now try to share power in what is likely to be a difficult cohabitation, something that would have been unimaginable during the euphoria of the revolution.

Back then, Mr Yushchenko was feted as the hero of the hour and was hailed as a progressive pro-Western champion of justice while Mr Yanukovych looked like a broken man who had been overtaken by the march of democracy and the political fashion of the moment: the velvet revolutions.

Mr Yanukovych's campaigners were exposed as cheats who had tried to rig an election in his favour and he was denounced as the Russian President Vladimir Putin's puppet.

But if a week is a long time in politics, 19 months appear to be an age.

Yesterday Mr Yanukovych was smiling as a pliant parliament sealed his political renaissance in a 271-9 vote. "I am itching to get down to work," he said before the key vote. "I've been ready [to serve as Prime Minister] for a long time."

The two men have very different views on issues such as European Union and Nato membership, the status of the Russian language, and relations with Moscow. However Mr Yushchenko persuaded Mr Yanukovych to sign up to a " universal declaration" of principles before the vote which he believes will guarantee the pro-Western course that he favours.

Mr Yanukovych's appointment will be a body blow for Julia Tymoshenko who stood shoulder to shoulder with Mr Yushchenko during the orange revolution only to fall out with him later.
She had coveted the Prime Minister's job and spent months negotiating with Mr Yushchenko to clinch it before talks collapsed in acrimony last month, opening the door for Mr Yanukovych.

Her supporters accuse Mr Yushchenko of betraying the revolution's ideals and of striking a pact with the devil.

She had urged Mr Yushchenko to disband the parliament and call fresh elections but the Ukrainian President is believed to have thought that would be too disruptive.

Yesterday most of the MPs in her Fatherland party boycotted the parliamentary vote and prepared to move into opposition.

Mr Yanukovych and his allies were busy thrashing out the cabinet line-up.

His own appointees will dominate but, under the Ukrainian constitution, Mr Yushchenko will take control of key ministries such as foreign affairs and defence. Though Mr Yanukovych will formally be the country's Prime Minister many believe the real power behind his throne will be the metals and energy oligarch Rinat Akhmetov, Ukraine's richest man.

He has bankrolled Mr Yanukovych's political activities for years. The formation of a new government draws a line under a crisis that has left the country without meaningful direction since 26 March when the parliamentary elections took place.

Ukraine has traditionally been split along an east-west fault line and that was reflected in the March ballot where no single party secured enough votes to enable it to govern alone.

The largely Russian-speaking industrial east voted for Mr Yanukovych while the largely Ukrainian-speaking west split its vote between Mr Yushchenko and his onetime revolutionary ally, Ms Tymoshenko. Mr Yanukovych's Party of the Regions won more votes than any other while Ms Tymoshenko's Fatherland party came second. Mr Yushchenko's Our Ukraine Party was beaten into a humiliating third place.